The Signalman Essay Example for Free

The Signalman Essay There is an immediate sense of the unknown. The first line in the story is Halloa, below there! . This opens the story with a sense of mystery. There are two people unknown to each other, one high, and the other below. The narrator is seen as the being in the presence of light and the signalman is in the dark. This is an extreme contrast to suggesting there is a sense of difference between the two characters. The description of the railway cutting is extremely dark. His past was in a solitary and dismal place as I ever saw. On either side a dripping wet wall of jagged stone, excluding all view but a strip of sky. The description describes a very depressing place, almost reminding the reader of Hell, or something equivalent. This gives the reader the feeling of a bad place, which builds up tension, suspense, and suspicion, as to what will happen in this horrible cutting. We are also given a vivid description of the Signalmans character. As the story continues, we see the Signalmans character develop into a professional man. We find out he is a very educated man, but ran wild at university, thus being expelled. A student of natural philosophy, and attended lectures, but had run wild, misused his opportunities, gone down and never risen again. We also find out he has other qualities, which are being reliable and dutiful. We see this when he stops in mid-sentence in order to carry out his duties on the line. I observed him to be remarkably exact and vigilant, breaking of his discourse at a syllable, and remaining until what he had to do was done This leads us to believe the Narrator became impressed and interested by the Signalman. Through the Signalmans haunting we can also see other sides of him. We see he has a lot of fear, of the haunting. We can especially see this in his language in following his long conversation with the visitor, What is the danger? Where is the danger? . These short sharp sentences show the fear in the signalman. We could also see this when the traveller introduces himself, as this is where we get the first hints of the Signalmans instability and fear. He believes he has seen the traveller before and when asked where He pointed to the red light he had looked at, there. We know the Signalman is showing fear at this point as he speaks in a low voice. The language used by Dickens is suitably old fashioned, which suits it as nowadays the most popular ghost stories were written in the 19th century, Though in a subordinate position, still he held a most important trust, and would I like to stake my own life on the chances of his continuing to execute it with precision? As you can see, the style of writing is quite complicated and written in the familiar old fashioned Victorian style. Dickens use of adjectives to create a menacing and supernatural atmosphere is typical of ghost stories. The cutting which is overshadowed by trees leaving little light to shine through is described as a dungeon suggesting a claustrophobic and imprisoned atmosphere which is typical of a ghost story. Rarely are ghost stories set in wide sprawling open spaces and this is no exception. Dickens describes the tunnel as having a gloomy entrance and the actual tunnel itself being black and the signal box as dismal. But he then goes onto describe the mouth of the tunnel as described as having a barbarous, depressing and forbidding air and then the narrator feels as though he had left the natural world like he had entered hell. Kasim Hassan Show preview only The above preview is unformatted text This student written piece of work is one of many that can be found in our GCSE Miscellaneous section.

Neural and Hormonal Mechanisms in Aggression

Neural and Hormonal Mechanisms in Aggression Neural and hormonal mechanisms in aggression include the roles of the limbic system, serotonin and testosterone. Neural mechanisms in aggression: The Limbic system-inside the brain lies a network of structures known as the limbic system. Within the limbic system, it involves many structures such as the amygdala, cingulate gyrus, fornix and the hypothalamus. The most significant structure is the amygdala because it plays a key role in humans and non-human animals in how an organism responds and assess to environmental challenges and threats therefore is believed to be the main factor in whether we respond aggressively or not. It also is responsible for attaching emotional significance to sensory information. Within the amygdala, its reactivity has proven to be the main indicator of aggressive behaviour. The prefrontal cortex is vital for regulating aggressive responses and social behaviour. However, damage to this prefrontal cortex would lower the inhibition of the amygdala, giving higher levels of aggression. On the other hand, the hypothalamus is responsible for the regulation of the autonomic nervous system, which in turn helps to regulate responses to emotional circumstances. If this structure was to ever become damaged, it would result in an inappropriate aggressive response to a perceived threat. Serotonin serotonin has a key role in aggressive behaviour and is a neurotransmitter with widespread inhibitory effects throughout the brain; it dampens neuronal activity and slows it down. It is also involved in communication impulses between neurons. It has been associated that low levels of serotonin cause an increased risk of aggressive and impulsive behaviour. Serotonin usually prevents stimulation of the amygdala therefore if there are low levels of it within the brain, the amygdala will be more active once stimulated by external events occurring, resulting in the person to make aggression more likely and to act on their impulses. The role of serotonin illustrates itself by the use of drugs that raise the levels of it within the brain such as antidepressants. During trials, antidepressants were found to raise the serotonin levels and shown to reduce impulsive aggression and irritability. This therefore suggests that an increase in the level of serotonin can reduced aggression h owever this may not be the case always. Hormonal mechanisms in aggression: Testosterone is a hormone from the androgen group responsible for the development of masculine features. It also plays a role in helping to regulate areas in the brain to do with social behaviour such as the amygdala and the hippocampus. It is evident that males are generally more aggressive compared to girls. Testosterone is thought to raise the levels of aggression from a young adulthood onwards. It peaks in young adolescent males before then declining with age. Genetic factors in aggression: Twin studies many twin studies have suggested that heritability accounts for approximately 50% of the variance in aggressive behaviour. In a set of monozygotic twins, they share 100% of their genes however in a set of dizygotic twins; they only share on average 50% of their genes. Therefore, we would be expected to find that monozygotic twins would have greater similarities in aggressive behaviour if aggression is mostly influenced by genetic factors. This is because both monozygotic twins and dizygotic twins are raised together in the same environment however monozygotic twins do have a greater degree of genetic similarity than dizygotic factors. Researchers then found that 50% of concordance rates (proportion to which both twins exhibit the same behaviour) was for monozygotic twins and only 19% was for dizygotic twins. This illustrates that it is probably mostly genetically influenced. Adoption studies Adoption studies can help us to determine what the causes of aggression are either from the environment or heredity. Adoption studies compare the rates between adopted children who share behaviours with their adopted parents (who only share the environment with), and the rates between the adopted children who share behaviour with their biological parents (who share their genes but not environment with). If the results show that the concordance rate between the adopted child and their biological parents are high, then it illustrates that their behaviour is genetically influenced. However, if the concordance rates between the adopted child and their adopted parents are high then it suggests that the behaviour is more than likely environmentally influenced. A case to support that behaviour is genetically influenced is when a study was completed in Denmark of over 14,000 adoptions. They found that a huge number of adopted boys that had criminal convictions also had biol ogical fathers with criminal convictions too. The MAOA gene the MAOA gene is a gene responsible for the activity of the enzyme monoamine oxidase A within the brain.   Monoamine oxidases A role is to mop up neurotransmitters once a nerve impulse has been sent from one neuron to the other in the brain. This happens by the neurotransmitter, especially serotonin, being broken down into chemicals that can then be excreted or recycled. This is a process called catabolism. The production of this enzyme is determined by the MAOA gene. If the operation of this gene becomes dysfunctional it can result to abnormal activity of the MAOA enzyme which then further affects the levels of serotonin in the brain. It has been found in studies that violent criminals often have a defect in the gene that produces MAOA. Gene-environment (GxE) interactions Genes do not work on their own but they are crucial influences on aggressive behaviour. Low MAOA gene activity appears to only be related to adult aggression when combined with early traumatic life events.

Political Ecology Has Come Of Age Geography Essay

Political Ecology Has Come Of Age Geography Essay Political ecology is by no means a new concept. As a theory it produces a complex framework of understanding into the relationships between political, economic and social environments and the effect these relations have on environmental development and protection, developing common ground where disciplines can intersection (Greenburg and Park (1994).   The nature of political ecology can be so broadly defined that as a field of research has developed, no one definition has been substantiated in order to fully characterise the assertion towards collective considerations of society and nature. Although the adaptation and expansion of this body of knowledge continues to create a broader sub-context in which geographic and development studies are practiced, creating greater obstacles in its theoretical classification, Robbins (2004) defines political ecology as, ‘empirical, research based explorations to explain linkages in the condition and change of social/environmental systems , with explicit considerations of relations of power.   The emphasis placed on political ecology is to provide a sense of connectedness within a field that traditional sees the sum of its parts divided into different areas of definition and implication. As the study of the importance of political ecology by Stott and Sullivan (2000) has shown that by identifying the political circumstances that forced people into activities which caused environmental degradation, in the absence of alternative possibilities, there is a need to illustrate the political dimensions of environmental narratives and in deconstructing particular narratives, to suggest that accepted ideas of degradation and deterioration may not be simple linear trends to predominate.   This approach to geographic thinking provides the academic field with a further dimension of theoretical application but as to whether its use has truly ‘come of age remains a contested issue within academia and the wider world of representative approaches to environmental conservation and positive action towards sustainability. This essay will concentrate on deconstructing whether this critical approach to human-environmental relations has broken the barriers to understanding political, human and environmental interactions in a wider social context. This will be achieved through the examination of critiques within the approach, taking into account the important questions of whose history and whose knowledge is being represented and elements of contested theory and implication that cause problematic outcomes on the global stage of development. Whilst developing this argument, also being taken into consideration will be the contribution political ecology has had within and towar ds development and development studies, in order to establish what the role and emphasis is of resulting work that the approach of political ecology has in the ever expanding field of critical development, evaluating, as noted by Muldavin (2008), ‘where ‘we have been in the past, where we are today, and where we may be going in the future and whether political ecology can ever manifest itself within a structured and conclusive framework or whether the approach will only suffice to be ‘all things to all people (Blaikie, 2008). The field of political ecology is vast, through which the addition to theoretical impact through the development of effective frameworks creating limitless boundaries toward disciplinary input where the flexible and adaptive form found within political ecology has allow new and diverse currents of thought within a positivist framework. When considering whether political ecology has come of age, although there are continual debates over the theoretical and methodological implications towards the approaches undertaken by the academy, overlooking these momentarily, it becomes clear that in an age where environmental protection, conservation and the development of long term ‘green policy is the most predominant topic on policy makers minds, it would be clear to identify the intermediate coming of age of the discipline, despite its continual critique. Arguably, although the approach itself, suffers from what Muldavin (2008) describes as ‘boundaries of ignorance that allow unru ly practices to be maintained and reproduced, the controversial subjection of theory and practice leads to a continual critical reassessment of the approaches implications to form continually renewed policy, although criticised for its lack of engagement with practical problem solving (Walker, 2006). The issues of multi-discipline connectedness and the increasing need for social and environmental synergy brings the issues undertaken by aspects of political ecology to occupy the central stage (Peet and Watts, 2004) of global environmental politics and civil society debates. In order to overcome institutionalized system of knowledge the issues raised in the expansion of political ecology debate has allowed for the production of space for thought, opening up discussion toward how discourse formation and representativeness in the present and towards the future to shape policy and practice in order to drive political ecology to form positive regulation of global commons. Developments within the field of political ecology have been vast over the last forty years, with particular emphasis being placed, in the last decade, on what Bebbington (2003) terms ‘theorizing up (Walker, 2006). As previous environmental narratives are questioned, the ability to ‘theorize up seek ways to ascertain the significance of such studies in broader development concerns, (Walker, 2006) where the approach to political ecology represents an integration of environmental knowledge and social justice that is not yet fully adopted or understood in all environmental debate (Forsyth, 2008). Through this stand point the ability to create suitable space in which to consider social participation in environment development and conservation through the implementation of local initiatives can be utilized. As argued by Simon (2003) for the need of balanced integrated attention to the biophysical/environmental and social political realms at different scales, in order to approp riately analyse the formulation of discourse. Much work has been undertaken to deconstruct commonly assumed environmental narratives and the diversity within the field through interdisciplinary connection and ‘hybrid knowledge or ‘discourse coalitions (Latour, 1993; Hajer, 1995; Blaikie, 2008) that have allowed the formulation of theory and methodology to remain lucid and adaptable to change.   However, although as argued by Watts (2003) the diversity of political ecology should be celebrated, its position in the world outside the academy of [political ecologist] thought provides a bleak landscape of complex terminology and distant solutions bound in red tape. Many political ecologists argue the concept of ‘non-equilibrium ecology (Forsyth, 2008) as the production of long term policy solutions made due to space-time factors.   With this in mind the assessment of political ecology developments dealing with issues such as access, the effect of institutions on vulnerable societies and the increasing emergence of women in development studies need to be taken into consideration. In the past access and control of resources in environment conservation continues to produce a divide in the politics of knowledge production in the global North and South. Although the work of political ecology seeks to understand and further develop the connections between social networks and the natural environment through its interaction with government and non-government lead organisations, the approach has been problematic from its beginning. Peet and Watts (2004) identify a fundamental flaw through the polarization of the â€Å"haves† and the â€Å"have nots†, where an emphasis on the effects of poverty on environment impact has been inherently linked to the causes of degradation in vulnerable areas in need for conservation, focusing heavily on third world and developing countries, which sees negative impacts on the environment fall into a ‘blaming the victim approach within social scientific concerns (Peet and Watts, 2004).   This approach arguably reinf orces post-colonial/post-structuralideologies of power and control over resources, through the reproduction of authority where knowledge toward global environmental management is encoded through institutionalised forms of knowledge rhetoric. These theoretical stand points allow for the rationalization of certain types of conclusion or outcome, whilst justifying change to traditional interaction with the environment including enclosure, exclusion and displacement of particular groups within a society.   The implication of this ideological, knowledge certification sees the privilege of particular forms of knowledge and power through which policy and practice toward further environmental trajectories are planned and applied. Although the production of knowledge and policy is important on a global scale, within particular western frameworks of progressive development policy, questions that should be consider include to whom does the policy speak? Whose history, whose science is being institutionalised and privileged and why? Although it is clear certain material impact push particular bands of knowledge into the foreground of discussion; the discourse of development and political ecology, the issues of scale and region variability inevitably become blurred within a colonial sense of restriction and a prescribed vision of what nature and environmental ‘wilderness should be, rather than development. Due to the nature of power allocation within development, diverse actors tend not to provide solutions but continue to allocate blame to local land users, with institutional development moving towards alleviating and helping the poor rather than supporting them through long term policy implementation, what Vayda and Walters (1999) argue produces a limitless capacity [for political ecologists] to neither verify their subject of scrutiny nor to have understood the complex and contingent interconnections of factors whereby environmental changes are produced (Forsyth, 2008). Through the consideration of access to resources and institutions, the notion of privileged knowledge assertion and limited access toward political production and resource affirmation, a major development to be considered within conservation management and political ecology is the role of women in development (Jewitt and Kumar, 2004; Robbins, 2004). Women are traditionally depicted to have a close, maternal connection with nature. Though this connection womens closeness to nature aids the development of comprehensive agro-ecological knowledge and environmental management practices (Shiva, 1988) that are restricted due to reduced mobility within society and ecological theory production and more disadvantaged by development programmes (Jewitt and Kumar, 2004) and disproportionately represented among the poor, as a homogenous group. Theory toward the construction of a special relationship between women and the environment has previously been detrimental to the development of consistent policy construction toward scale of social movements in ecological conservation, in this sense, the deconstruction of environment narratives by examining wider inequalities in the division of labour towards ‘discourse sensitivity (Jewitt and Kumar, 2004) to support and collaborate (Rocheleau, 2008). The example of Joint Forestry Management in India by Jewitt and Kumar (2004) of the possible developments political theory could bring to development strategies is positive but also there are empirical problems that are interwoven in this collaboration with political ecology as a whole, including the lack of assessment toward whether theory can be effectively put into practice on the ground and whether their effectiveness through diverse communities can be achieved. Although the implications political ecology brings to the surface are very urgent and relevant, toward the development of necessary development and conservation policy, issues which are at the heart of present political, economic, cultural and social debate, its inherent complexities provide problematic understanding and expansion as to whether although in terms of its importance and theoretical distinction, the approach has become more grounded and come of age within academic discussion. On the wider, more global stage its concepts of development and conservation theory, although poignant, fail to provide a consistence material solution to aid positive outcomes for conservation development. As argued by Robbins (2004) political ecology is too focused on the broadly defined ‘underdeveloped world and posits the environment as a finite source of basic unchanging and essential elements, which set absolute limits for human action. However intuitive, this assumption has proven histo rically false and conceptually flawed. When considering the implications of political ecology as a critical approach to human-environmental relations, although it is important to consider the approach as a construction of meaning and justification for social and cultural implications on a multilayered scaled, the approach consequentially leads to complexities and problematic understanding. These inconsistencies begin with the problem of a definition that can be transformed to fit different meanings, inevitably creating obstacle to development and environmental justice.   The inability to connect with the wider world due to the diversity of complex notions of theory, devalue the benefit of the connectedness to other disciplines as the pool of thought is limited to a few. Although keen to move toward grounded engagement with the production of integrated social and environmental knowledge toward consistent policy (as seen through the work of Blaikie) ‘the dependency on single stories (in local level research analysis ) reduces the likelihood of influencing many bodies (Bebbington, 2003; Walker, 2004). Although the emphasis on cultural value is present in research, scaling up solutions from snap shots of research data can see many issues lost or lessened. Despite trying to diversify land based initiatives e.g. through donor site programmes, changes have seen movement away from policy based initiatives. The reproduction of knowledge as power, the allocation of privileged theory and the reproduction of poverty and inequality still remains challenging, as argued by Robbins (2004) who states the assertion that superior environmental knowledge originates in the global north for transfer to the global south is problematic due to the reproduction of colonial knowledge and discounting of indigenous knowledge and participation of local communities. Also within this framework of ‘knowledge as power is the production of ‘wild landscapes working towards conservation initiatives under the initiative of nature as a commodity, which introduces new levels of ambiguity and problematic methodological within the field of development studies and political ecology practices. As cited by Marx, ‘even society as a whole, a nation, or all existing societies put together, are not owners of the Earth. They are merely its occupants, its users; and like good caretakers, they must hand it dow n improved to subsequent generations (Peet and Watts, 2004).   Although, in many instances the commodification of natural resources e.g. the introduction of private parks has created conservation zones, the ethics and highly problematic issues attached to this type of land acquirement has produced environmental conflict. Commodification of land and nature are arguably an expansion of the colonial state, which see the development of an argument where people are removed by state intervention [inherently linked to political ecology (Peet and Watts, 2004)] leaving land to be managed by external structures and nature to be socially constructed causing problems for indigenous groups. Although political ecology approaches are trying to provide a mode of explanation towards engaging nature and political dimensions between human environment relations, they very rarely accomplish a distinctive and workable solution. In conclusion, although the body of knowledge that political ecology produces is highly relevant in modern perceptions towards the urgency of resource dilemmas, the seclusion of the theoretical approach which is confined to non-material based responses to environmental conservation is highly problematic. Although it is argued political ecology has come of age, in definition, the unity of the approach with wider debate still remains marginal to the broader field of development. Blaikie (2008) argues the importance of stabilising political ecology through a more aggressive institutionalization at college and university level. This could be argued as contradictory considering the need and importance of transition to a more decentralised applications of knowledge, through the further inclusion of indigenous knowledge systems and the compromise of researchers and theorists to accommodate the needs of local individuals in order to not displace the values and priorities of communities on th e ground considering the need to further institutionalise theory as stated by Blaikie to make political ecology ‘work. Therefore, it could then be stated that unlike the rediscovery of geography (Muldavin, 2008), political ecology still has many complexities to consider and overcome in order to promote positive impacts towards future environmental development that would result in greater representativeness of the approach in the global arena.   References: Agrawal, A. (2008) The Role of Local Institutions in Adaptation to climate change. Social Dimensions of Climate Change, Social Development Department, The World Bank, March 5-6 Blaikie, P. (2008) Epilogue: Towards a future for political ecology that works. Geoforum 39, 765-772 Forsyth, T. (2008) Political Ecology and the epistemological of social justice, Geoforum 39, 756-764 Greenburg, J.B. and Park, T.K. (1994) ‘Political ecology, Journal of Political Ecology 1 Hajer, M. (1995) in Forsyth, T. (2008) Political Ecology and the epistemological of social justice, Geoforum 39, 756-764 Jewitt, S. and Kumar, S. (2004) ‘A political ecology of forest management: gender and silvicultural knowledge in the Jharkhand, India in Stott, P., Sullivan, S. (2000) ‘Political Ecology: Science, Myth and Power. Arnold: London Latour, R. (1993) in Forsyth, T. (2008) Political Ecology and the epistemological of social justice, Geoforum 39, 756-764 Marx, Capital, vol.1 in Peet, R., Watts, M. (2004) Liberation Ecologies: Environment, development, social movements. Second Edition, Routledge: Oxon Muldavin, J. (2008) ‘The time and place for political ecology: An introduction to the articles honouring the life work of Piers Blaikie. Geoforum 39, 687-697 Peet, R. and Watts, M. (2004) Liberation Ecologies: Environment, development, social movements. Second Edition, Routledge: Oxon Pepper, D., Webster, F. and Revill, G. (2003) Environmentalism: Critical concepts. Routledge: London Robbins, P.(2004) ‘Political Ecology: A critical introduction. Blackwell Publishing: UK Rocheleau, D.E. (2008) Political ecology in the key of policy: From Chains of explanation to webs of reaction. Geoforum 39, 716 727 Shiva, V. (1988) cited in Jewitt, S., Kumar, S. (2004) ‘A political ecology of forest management: gender and silvicultural knowledge in the Jharkhand, India in Stott, P., Sullivan, S. (2000) ‘Political Ecology: Science, Myth and Power. Arnold: London Simon, D. (2008) ‘Political Ecology and development: Intersections, explorations, and challenges arising from the work of Piers Blaikie. Geoforum 39, 698-707 Stott, P. and Sullivan, S. (2000) ‘Political Ecology: Science, Myth and Power. Arnold: London Vayda, P. and Walters. (1999) Against political ecology. Human ecology, 27 (1) 1-18 in Peet, R., Watts, M. (2004) Liberation Ecologies: Environment, development, social movements. Second Edition, Routledge: Oxon Walker, P. A. (2006) ‘Political ecology: Where is the Policy? Progress in Human Geography 30 (3), 382-395 Watts, M. J. (2003) For political ecology, unpublished manuscript, University of California, Berkeley in Walker, P. A. (2006) ‘Political ecology: Where is the Policy? Progress in Human Geography 30 (3), 382-395 Zimmerer, K.S., Bassett, T.J. (2003) Political Ecology: An integrative approach to geography and environment development studies. The Guildford Press: New York

Living in a Barbie World :: social issues

Living in a Barbie World She took the world by storm with her luxurious blond hair, blue eyes, and long legs. Soon, little girls all over the world were emulating and praising this eleven-and-a-half-inch-tall plastic doll (Napier). Throughout the decades, she has become an icon to little girls, so much that some are wondering whether the stereotypical ideals for women exemplified by Barbie have affected females in regards to body image. When Barbie first appeared, she bore her trademark black and white swimsuit and swirling ponytail. Over the years as fashion and teenage lifestyle trends have shifted, so has Barbie. She has evolved from having bendable legs, a twisting waist, long hair, and sophisticated look in the 1960s to the athletically inclined Barbie with bendable wrists, elbows, and ankles in the 1970s. In the 1980s, a new friendlier, open-mouthed smiling, and bright-eyed Barbie emerged on the scene (Riddick). Her wardrobe took on a bit of pizzazz in the 1990s when she started sporting clothes created by famous fashion designers such as Calvin Klein and Vera Wang (Fashion). Not only has this doll transformed into an internationally known fashion savvy doll, she has left psychologists and parents wondering if she may be at fault for many female body image problems because of her overly slender stature. It is incredibly amazing that anyone could consider the body measurements of 5'6", 110 pounds, and 39-18-33 attainable or at all a realistic womanly figure (Napier). These are Barbie's measurements in proportion to the size of a real woman and also the spark that started the fire of controversy concerning gender stereotyping in the nation. The accusations by feminists and doctors alike are that Mattel, the manufacturer of the doll, has projected harmful body images onto our female youth by subtly placing these stereotypes into the media and into little girls hands. The psychologists insist that the young girls notice the body shapes of the doll and translate them into what a female should physically look like thus creating a problem down the road such as low self-esteem or an eating disorder (Langley). Although the Barbie manufacturer's prime intention for the doll was to inspire self-esteem, glamour, and friendship, society's stereotypes have caused her much media strife. There has been so much controversy that in 1998 she underwent plastic surgery to reduce her breast size, liposuction her hips, and inject the fat into her waist.

Struggle for Equal Work Essay -- essays research papers fc

Struggle for Equal Work The development of the Lowell Mills in the 1820s provided American women with their first opportunity to work outside the home with reasonable wages and relatively safe work. About ten years later however, working in the mills wasn’t the same. Working conditions became more vigorous, the mills were unsafe and the pay received didn’t match the amount of work done. The Lowell family’s textile mills were set up to attract the unmarried daughters of farm families, hoping that they would work a few years before getting married. These young women were called â€Å"Lowell Mill Girls.† A typical working day in the mills started with a factory bell ringing at about four in the morning to wake up employees. After this, employees had to be at the mills in an hour and work until late in the evening. This would sometimes lead to 12-14 hour days. Often times, women were expected to tend about three or four machines at the same. It was a lot of work, but at the time the pay offered was the highest wage available. In the 1830s, wages ranged from $.44 to $1.58 per day, depending on the speed and skill of the worker. This was about half the amount paid to the male mill worker. The air in the mills was not circulated causing it to become very hot in the summer and extremely cold in the winter. Company supervisors believed that opening any windows would cause threads to break more often so they chose to leave windows shut tight at all times. This is an example of how product...

Education and Tech School

A contemplated future Carmen Herrera’s future job outlook can take many separate directions. There are many things that will alter her future for better or worse, the one that we will look at today involves her decision on whether or not she should go to Radcliff tech, or go to mountainfeild university and what majors and what type of jobs these school’s offer out of the three categories that Robert Reich classifies jobs in his 1989 essay â€Å"u. s income inequality keeps on rising†.The three categories are broken up into symbolic analytic services, routine personal services and routine production services. Each school offers jobs in these categories and we will look at the advantages and disadvantages of both schools. Carmen Herrera’s future job outlook at Radcliff tech has many advantages, these advantages include jobs that will be easier to land and obtain than jobs she would land in a university, these jobs include many jobs in the routine personal se rvices categories and many in the routine production services categories.Tech schools tend to specialize in jobs for production and personal services because the teachers and majors available to these students are limited in terms of what they are able to teach and the education of the teachers. Some tech schools are even more specialized to a certain field. For example a school like pennco tech is mainly specified for automotive, students looking for a mechanic certification would be interested in a school like this. Another advantage of going to a tech school is that tuition and fees are much more affordable compared to a large university.This makes tech school more accessible than the majority of universities. This makes choosing a major considerably easier than a university because the student already knows what they want to do most likely before they arrive at the tech school. Ratcliff tech also has many disadvantages; the big disadvantage of going to a tech school is that thei r selection of courses is greatly diminished compared to a university. This is mainly because the school does not have the proper funding or education to offer a wide variety of majors.Teachers are often in demand at tech schools and these teachers are not as educated or as good of teachers as most university teachers. The other disadvantage of going to a tech school is they do not offer many jobs in the analytic services category because these jobs take much higher education and a lot more years of schooling. These jobs typically offer a much higher income than the jobs in the other two categories stated. Students have an option to go to tech school or a university. The advantages of going to a university in my mind greatly outweigh the advantages of going to a tech school.This is because at a university the average degree earns a student a much greater amount of money than the average tech school degree does. That is because there are more jobs in the analytic services category th an any of the other categories. Jobs in this category are typically jobs like a CEO of a big fortune 500 company or someone who created a product and now is majority owner or chairman of the company. This is because these school’s offer a higher education and give the student the necessary tools to become a ceo or chairman. A university like mountainfeild also has many disadvantages too.Like any university the student will be in a much bigger community and they will not receive the specialized attention and education that a tech school will offer Them this can make or break certain students and also can give them a better chance in learning their major and field of choice, this is why many students at big university’s tend to drop out or fail out because the course load or lack of individualized attention does not fit them well and the job categories that a tech school offers fit them a lot better than a large university does.Another disadvantage of a large university is that the school takes a lot longer to graduate from and in many fields in production and services there is no need for 4 years or even more worth of schooling when you can get it in two years or less at a tech school. The advantages and disadvantages of going to a tech school or a university make the decision very hard; this is why thousands and thousands of students have to make a tough decision every year.Tech school’s offer benefits in the short term but lack the education and degree that you would receive from a university, in the long run university’s give back much more than any tech school can offer, a students future can depend on if they made the right decision and if this decision is a viable one for your future.The three job categories are big point when deciding on whether you want to go to a tech school or university. University’s offer many more jobs in the analytic area and this is very tempting but tech school’s give you a quick way of getting certification in the production or services categories. Both schools offer many things and lack in many things so the decision will not be easy.

The Air Traffic Controllers Strike of 1981

In this study, I intend to provide an overview of the air traffic controllers' strike that occurred in 1981. This strike came at the peak of increased tension between the air traffic controllers union, PATCO, and the FAA, a federal agency charged with overseeing the management of all civil air flights. The strike occurred on August 3, 1981. On that day, approximately 12,000 air traffic controllers went on strike, effectively crippling the civil air industry. As members of PATCO, these individuals certainly felt they had the right to strike; however, under the terms of certain laws affecting federal employees, the air traffic controllers, in fact, did not have this right. As a result, President Reagan immediately threatened that any air traffic controller not back at work within 48 hours of the start of the strike would lost his or her job. Three days later, the FAA issued 12,000 dismissal notices and the strike officially came to an end (Spector, 1982, p. ). Of particular interest to me is not only the details and particulars of this strike, but also the structural circumstances that precipitated it and why compensation negotiations were ineffectual. Therefore, I will focus the remainder of this overview on several key points: the internal and external environmental forces that led to the strike, specific human resources issues that made air traffic controllers apt to strike, and a review of the negotiation process and the failed proposals on both sides. In the course of this evaluation, I will discuss some of the major players in the strike, analyze some of the fundamental causes of this strike, and even present at least one alternative solution that was proposed at the time and should have probably been implemented without fail. In this, I intend to illustrate the nature of the air traffic controllers' strike of 1981 and the factors that made it all but inevitable. To begin with, let's consider some of the major players who were involved in the air traffic controllers' strike. First, there is the FAA. This is the federal agency that was established in 1958 to manage all civilian air flights in the United States. At the time of the strike, all air traffic controllers in the United States were trained, certified, and employed by the FAA (Spector, 1982, p. 1). In other words, the FAA had a literal stranglehold on the market for air traffic controllers in the United States. To work in the United States as an air traffic controller, thus, meant that one had to work with the FAA and abide by their prescriptions for how air traffic controllers should be employed. Second, we should consider PATCO, or the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization. This group was affiliated with the AFL-CIO and was created in 1968. It was, in short, a union of air traffic controllers. During the 1970s, in particular, PATCO grew at a tremendous rate (Spector, 1982, p. 2). By the time the potential strike rolled around, most of the air traffic controllers in the United States were members of PATCO. Third, we should consider the head of PATCO, the man who lead the organization down the more militant path towards strike and whose ultimate negotiations with the FAA would precipitate the strike in the first place. Robert Poll took the reins at PATCO in 1980, partially in response to attitudes within the organization that felt a more aggressive stance was needed towards the FAA on the part of unionized air traffic controllers (Spector, 1982, p. 2). In this context, we can see that Poll and PATCO were immediately at odds with the FAA, which as an organization naturally wanted to maintain its monopolistic control over the supply of air traffic controllers. The conflict between the two primary players in this strike-the FAA and PATCO-was only exasperated by certain pieces of federal legislation that prohibited federal employees from using strikes, sit-ins, or work slow downs to affect changes in their employment status. Legislation such as the Federal Relations Labor act prevented federal unionized employees to use their union status for anything other than collective bargaining (Spector, 1982, p. 2). This structural component of the issue further tied the figurative hands of PATCO and the air traffic controllers. It may even have precipitated a strike if the air traffic controllers felt cornered and desperate in their dealings with the FAA. If the air traffic controllers did not think there was any possibility of seeing their demands met-and how could they, if they were not permitted to use the threat of a strike? -then it is possible that they would have instigated the strike in desperation. There were a number of other issues that certainly led to a strike-style conflict between the FAA and PATCO. For example, of the 17,275 air traffic controllers employed in July 1981, all had to take part in a seventeen-week training course and then participate in on-the-job training for an additional two to four years. The FAA estimated that the total cost of training an air traffic controller amounted to $175,000 (Spector, 1982, p. 4). From the perspective of the FAA, labor negotiations were unlikely to result in higher pay rates or other forms of compensation. From the federal perspective, a significant amount of money had already been invested in these individuals; more was not a viable option. For the air traffic controllers, however, increased pay was the least of their concerns. As air traffic controllers knew all too well, the job of managing dozens of aircraft from the ground simultaneously was not easy. When PATCO went to the negotiation table with the FAA prior to the strike, they listed a number of concerns and problems that they wanted to see corrected. These included, but were not limited to, the following. One, PATCO was concerned about access. The FAA gave unfettered access to airports at any time, to anyone. The result was extremes of traffic during peak and off hours of the day or week. PATCO also cited poor supervision from individuals who were often paid more than the air traffic controllers to do nothing more than shift paperwork around. Safety responsibility was also a concern-given the demands of the job and the life-or-death nature of it, some air traffic controllers felt that there should be a better system of managing and accepting responsibility. Finally, the air traffic controllers were concerned about their pay scale, especially lost overtime hours according to federal mandate (Spector, 1982, p. 10-11). Salaries for air traffic controllers were reasonable for the period, however some federal regulations placed a cap on the amount that any individual could earn as a federal employee. Additionally, limitations were made regarding the amount of pay that could be awarded during any two week period, regardless of hours worked. This fact, combined with the extremely stressful nature of the job, upset many at PATCO (Spector, 1982, p. 4,6). The fact that the FAA rated as one of the poorest employers of air traffic controllers worldwide in terms of hours worked per week, vacation days, and sick leave only made matters worse (Spector, 1982, p. 5). Thus, when the FAA and PATCO went to the negotiation table in the days and weeks preceding the strike on August 3, there were a number of issues that had to be resolved between them. The air traffic controllers felt overworked, overstressed, and under appreciated in general. The FAA felt that it had the upper hand because the air traffic controllers were unable, by federal law, to go on strike. For this reason, the eventual strike-in hindsight-seems all but inevitable. In fact, the assumption that the FAA had the upper hand in the negotiations may have led directly to their counter offer which was much more conservative than the original PATCO demands. PATCO wanted an increase in salaries, a new maximum salary limit, a reduction in the work week, earlier retirement benefits, and cost of living adjustments to be made twice a year. The FAA negotiator, John Helms, estimated that this package would cost the government around $744 million the first year. He countered with a proposal that would only cost $40 million the first year, but which was a significantly watered down version of PATCO demands (Spector, 1982, p. 10). The union rejected this offer and went back to the negotiation table. When the second counter offer from the FAA was also not to their liking, they voted 95% in favor of going on strike (Spector, 1982, p. 11). The consequent strike on August 3, 1981 cost most of PATCO members their jobs and ended up costing the aviation industry, as well as associated industries such as tourism and hotels, millions of dollars in lost profits. Given these myriad environmental forces, symptoms and causes, and the inherent conflict between the FAA and PATCO, it is little wonder that a strike was the ultimate result between the negotiations between the FAA and PATCO. But what might have been done differently, what other solution might have worked in the past to alleviate the problems that occurred? For an answer I turn to Lane Kirkland of the AFL-CIO who said at the time, â€Å"The air traffic control system is a purely subsidized service the government is providing for the private airline industry. Under the Reagan doctrine of getting the government off people's backs, you'd think they might try to turn the whole thing over to the industry to run instead of using the might and majesty of the government to suppress a strike† (Spector, 1982, p. 4). In fact, this is exactly the solution that I would have suggested at the time and would advocate today as a solution to the mess that the FAA found itself in in 1981. If the FAA had been privatized, the concerns and issues that air traffic controllers were having could have been easily resolved between PATCO and the airline industry, in whose best interest it would have been to resolve the matter to keep planes in the air and profits in the black. Instead, the government used an ineffective law to force almost 12,000 people out of work who were simply trying to use the power of the strike to leverage themselves better working conditions. Especially when we consider the magnitude of the job that air traffic controllers did (and do) and the safety of countless lives that could have been at stake, it is even amazing that the government responded to the legitimate concerns of air traffic controllers in the way that it did.